AURUKUN AND MORNINGTON ISLAND TAKEOVER
A transistor radio sits on the dirt beside a campfire with charred black billy cans ready for use. The radio is their only link to the outside world. A few dogs lie around in the sun. Some women sit on the ground under the shade of a mango tree to escape the heat of the day.
The music blaring from the radio gives way to a startling news report. The Queensland government plans to throw the church out of this Aboriginal mission and take over its administration. The news circulates quickly around Aurukun by word of mouth. The community is in shock. They have not been consulted, nor have their Aboriginal council. The government has two communities in its sights: Mornington Island and Aurukun,
Mornington Island, in the Gulf of Carpentaria NE Australia, is the largest of 22 islands that form the Wellesley Islands group. It is flat and skirted by mangrove forests. The Lardil tribe are the traditional owners and the Bentinck Islanders were moved here after the 1947 cyclone. A cyclone-prone island itself, most people live in the largest town, which is Gununa. In 1978, there are 681 people living on this beautiful tropical island.
Aurukun, on the west coast of Cape York Peninsula NE Australia, is the traditional homeland of the Wik, Wik Way and Kugu people and the main language is Wik Mungkan. Still today, nearly 90% of the people speak a traditional Indigenous language at home. Traditional culture is strong because it was not undermined, as in most other communities. There are five spiritual clan groupings: Wanam, Winchanam, Puch, Apalech, and Sara. About 768 people live here in 1978 including some in nine outstations.
The history of Aurukun is linked to the other Moravian missions established for the Presbyterian Church: Mapoon, the mother or first mission, Weipa and Mornington Island. Moravian Rev Arthur Richter established Aurukun Mission in 1904 with some Indigenous workers from Mapoon. It was originally called Archer River Mission Station and renamed Aurukun, the Wik name of the large lagoon at the back of the mission, in 1905. Missionaries Bill and Geraldine Mackenzie managed the mission from 1925 to 1965 and they supported the continuation of the people’s culture through Bora initiations, traditional hunting and speaking the Wik languages. Despite such comparative liberalism, they were also authoritarian in some ways and their departure led to some instability. Strong supporters of education, they left a high level of literacy in Aurukun by the time of their departure.
Cape Keerweer, south of Aurukun, was the site of the first attempted European settlement in Australia by Dutch Captain Willem Janszoon in 1606 in his ship the Duyfken. Janszoon planned to build a city at the site. However, after the Dutch took some of the women on board, fighting broke out with the local men, several sailors were killed and the Duyfken turned back. Cape Keerweer actually means “turn back” in the local language. The Dufyken visit also links its history to Mapoon and Weipa.
People usually return to the township from their traditional homelands or outstations during the wet. Aurukun is at the junction of three pristine rivers: the Archer, the Watson and the Ward. Together with the Kirk and the Love Rivers, further south, they form the Aurukun Wetlands, one of Australia’s largest wetland areas covering 1.1 million hectares. It has a wide variety of birdlife, plants and reptiles. Geese and lilies are abundant, including paanja or candlenut. Anglers enjoy tidal estuaries, white sandy beaches, near-shore reefs and rocky headlands.
The backdrop to the 1978 federal-state confrontation over Aboriginal affairs in Queensland has a number of elements to it. The Aurukun Aboriginal community, south of Weipa, is a particularly strong, outspoken people not easily intimidated. They still practice their tribal ways and speak their language but are willing to engage in the mainstream political process to avoid being railroaded and becoming a second Mapoon or second Weipa. They have seen the impact of mining on Aboriginal land and the impact of state government administration. This fear of becoming a second Mapoon or second Weipa is expressed a number of times at public meetings.
Another important player is the Uniting Church, who took over from the Presbyterian Church in 1977 when the Presbyterian, Methodist and Congregational churches united. However, it is still run by BOEMAR, the board of missions. The church has administered the community for over seventy years. BOEMAR also administered Weipa and Mapoon and the church is not going to be blindsided by the state government as it was at Weipa. Nor is it going to abandon the people as it had at Mapoon in 1963; both times for the sake of mining though the government gave other reasons. The church is embarrassed by The Mapoon Story that John Roberts and I have put out with the support of the Mapoon people and is not keen to repeat this experience. This time the church is going to go down fighting or will, hopefully, win the battle. The church is encouraging self-management and the outstation movement. It is also standing with the people in their opposition to mining. All three policies are anathema to the state government.
Under Premier Joh Bjelke-Petersen, the pro-development National Party Queensland government will not cooperate either with Labor or Liberal-National federal governments and invokes the ogre of southern stirrers and communists with all who disagree with them. Bjelke accuses the church and the North Queensland Land Council of being communists and the federal government of having stirrers on its payroll. Queensland is often referred to as “Banana Land” by those who don’t agree with the Premier, the inference being that it is a social justice backwater.
Brisbane is the capital of Queensland and in World War 11, it was decided to sacrifice anything north of the Brisbane Line if need be, just over 2,000km, and defend the rest. A cartoon in The Sun, 8th April 1978, has Joh Bjelke-Petersen dressed in the uniform of southern USA in the Civil War with bayonet drawn, standing on the Brisbane Line facing opposite to the firing canons saying, “The guns are facing the wrong way – the threat is from the south.” The headline reads, “Oh Joh, you’re driving us bananas” by 7th Day Dunstan and reads, “Just like the great civil war of the United States, the battle will be over slavery and the blacks.”
Steve Gray comments in the Brisbane Times, “By 1978, Queensland Premier Joh Bjelke-Petersen had hit his straps. After a shaky start, he'd been in power for a decade. He had honed his populist, authoritarian manner and he'd identified a coalition of enemies he could drag into the political stoush as required: Canberra, southerners, Labor, protesters, greenies, pinkos, even churches.”[i]
The peanut farmer from Kingaroy, married to Flo, famous for her pumpkin scones, is one of our longest-serving premiers in Queensland. He likes to raise his index finger to make a point, his halting voice, furrowed brow, graying hair and double chin adding to the effect. His disdain for the media led to him famously calling talking to them as “Feeding the chooks.” He also said, "The greatest thing that could happen to the state and nation is when we get rid of all the media... then we could live in peace and tranquility and no one would know anything."
Lined up in the southern corner is the Fraser federal government. Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser passes a watered-down version of previous Prime Minister Gough Whitlam’s land rights legislation for the Northern Territory and is making a name for himself in British Commonwealth circles as a fighter against apartheid. Yet, he has it on his own doorstep in Queensland. Somehow, he must assert himself as national leader against a recalcitrant state premier who believes Queensland can go it alone and won’t toe the line with federal initiatives.
Stationed in the tropical tourist city of Cairns, a gateway to the far north Aboriginal communities, is the North Queensland Land Council with Chairman Mick Miller. An educated and politically aware Aboriginal leader; he was born on the Aboriginal community of Palm Island. He is closely related to the Aurukun community leaders and friends with parliamentarians and national Aboriginal leaders and support organizations. The North Queensland Land Council does not have legislative recognition and government funding but it has land rights committees and delegates on every reserve and town in North Queensland and is a powerful grassroots force.
I am good friends with many of the Aurukun leaders and we work closely through this time and beyond. This is partly through my close relationship with Mick, partly through my key role at the Land Council as editor of NQ Messagestick and research officer-come-campaigner, and partly because I have developed positive relationships and a good reputation after helping the Mapoon people move back to their land in 1974.
The stage is set for confrontation. One of the casualties of the fray is the first Aboriginal Liberal Senator Neville Bonner, a Queenslander who was appointed to a Senate vacancy in 1971 and re-elected. He is often called an “Uncle Tom” by Aboriginal leaders but he visits Aurukun and supports people who are criticizing state government legislation. He pays the price and is dropped from a winnable seat in the 1983 Senate election, resigns from the Liberal Party and runs as an independent, narrowly losing his seat.
In December 1975, the Qld government pushes through the Aurukun Associates Act 1975, granting a new mining consortium of Tipperary, Billiton and Pechiney, mining rights worth at least $14 billion. The Aurukun people have not been consulted and, with church funding, take them to the Supreme Court in 1976 and win. The matter is called Donald Peinkinna and others v. The Corporation of the Director of Aboriginal and Islanders Advancement and a writ is served in the Supreme Court of Queensland on Patrick Killoran, alleging breach of fiduciary trust as a result of the passing of the Aurukun Associates Agreement Act, 1975. The court agrees it is an abuse of trust and rules that the Aurukun people have a right to challenge any mining on their land.
Premier Bjelke appeals to the judicial committee of the Privy Council in London which overturns the decision of the Supreme Court of Australia in January 1978. Because the church has supported them, Bjelke decides to get rid of the church and take over the reserve. In July 1974 the council, under Donald Peinkinna’s leadership, made a submission to the Queensland government seeking freehold title to the Aurukun Reserve. Another thorny issue. Another spear in writing to challenge the government.
On 13th March 1978, the Queensland government announces it will take control of the Uniting Church missions of Aurukun on Cape York and Mornington Island in the Gulf of Carpentaria from 31st March. This begins a huge fight as the Aboriginal people concerned want the church to stay as it is promoting their self-management, whereas the Queensland government is an oppressive alternative. It is four years after the Mapoon people have moved back to their land and are struggling on as an illegal settlement in the Queensland government’s eyes. Writing this memoir, I sense for the first time that getting rid of the church from Aurukun and Mornington Island is also payback for the church’s support of the Mapoon people moving back.
Minister for Aboriginal and Islanders Advancement (DAIA), Charles Porter, briefed cabinet in February 1978 about the need for the takeover.
"Over the years, the management of Mornington Island and Aurukun under the aegis of the church, and particularly the philosophies promoted by the Reverend John Brown, have been hostile to state government policies and programs." Reverend Brown was the general secretary of the Uniting Church Commission for World Mission.
Mr Porter said much of the population of Aurukun was "dispersed" over the reserve "Living in the bush under primitive conditions and consequently presenting a major health hazard …”
"It can also be expected, in view of known moves, that this island reserve (Mornington Island) will be the basis of a legal challenge to the state under the 'land rights' philosophies of the Uniting Church."[ii]
Holding back a smirk, Porter triumphantly hands the takeover letter to Prof Roland Busch of the church on 13th March. Stunned, Busch takes a step back to take it in. Protests fall on deaf ears. Busch immediately sends a telegram to Donald Peinkinna, Chairman of Aurukun, informing him. Donald’s eyes widen with surprise. Donald’s charcoal face and piercing brown eyes are a contrast to his wavy white hair. He doesn’t waste any time meeting with the people under the mango trees. The sun filters through the leafy trees, casting shadows over his yellow shirt. He scratches his head momentarily in consternation at the news and works out how to break the news to his people, other councillors at his side. Donald asks the people what they want to do. The response is resounding - stay with the church and protect their land.
Geraldine Kawangka, a former Council Chairperson, stands up, her face serious and voice assured. A dignified, respected leader she commands attention.
“We want the church and the government to work together for the people of Aurukun. We need to put our heads together and stand side by side and speak up to them. You can’t leave it to me and Gladys and others to speak up for you. You speak up.”
His face furrowed with worry, Councillor Francis Yunkaporta says, “We don’t want to be like Mapoon and Weipa.”
“Policy conflict reason for mission takeover” screams the headline in The Cairns Post 15th March 1978:
“Queensland Aboriginal and Islanders Advancement Minister, Mr Porter, has admitted ‘conflict of policy’ was the basic reason for the State Government’s plan to take over management of two church-run Aboriginal missions, the Uniting Church Queensland Moderator, Rev Roland Busch said here (Brisbane) yesterday.”
Part of that policy conflict is that the church is supporting the people who want to return to their tribal lands as a way of strengthening their culture and reducing inter-clan conflict. There is policy conflict over Aurukun but the inclusion of Mornington Island is a surprise to the church.
The story also covers the response of Mick on behalf of the North Queensland Land Council (NQLC). Mick has black wavy hair, mustache and side levers (sideburns), big brown eyes and a radio announcer voice. He was born on Palm Island, a former penal colony for Aboriginal people. The story says,
“Mr Mick Miller, President of the North Queensland Land Council, yesterday called on the federal government to assume its responsibility for Aboriginal affairs in Queensland.
Both Aurukun and Mornington Island,” said Mr Miller, “have expressed the wish to be administered by the church rather than the Queensland government. Aurukun reaffirmed this decision as recently as last November.
The North Queensland Land Council condemns the Queensland government for its blatant racism and hypocrisy in flagrantly disregarding the wishes of the Aboriginal people at these missions while pretending to be acting in their interests.
The reason behind the takeover is threefold: to stop the Mornington Island land claim; to give easier access to mining companies in Aurukun; to stop the outstation or decentralization movement where six Aboriginal groups have moved out of Aurukun to their tribal lands.
The mining subcommittee of the NQLC at a recent meeting at Weipa, unanimously passed a motion calling on the federal government not to grant an export license to mining companies unless satisfactory terms are reached with the Aurukun people.”
The Mornington Island Council sends the NQLC a letter thanking us for our support.
One month before the announcement, Bjelke-Petersen says, “White Australians would be converted to second-class citizens unless mineral rights were removed from aboriginal land rights legislation. Aboriginal control of a vital resource like uranium could lead eventually to an independent black state in the Northern Territory.” (The Age 20th February 1978)
Porter and his director, Mr Paddy Killoran, are due to visit Aurukun. So the Chairman of Aurukun, Donald Peinkinna, sends the NQLC an invitation to come. Mick and Clarrie travel to Aurukun with a TV team to cover the meeting. Porter and Killoran bring a white policeman from Weipa with them.
Donald wears a suit when he travels south to plead his community’s case but on home territory, his dress is casual. He is a humble man with great dignity and knows how to stand his ground. He is 53 years old, a strong Christian leader and astute political leader managing community alliances well. As the upper Love River is his clan estate, he is of the Apelech ritual group. Chairman of Aurukun since 1974, he launches the court case against Killoran over mining. In 1973, the church asks if the Aurukun Council would like to take over full self-management in 1974. The council, of which Donald is a member, restates its view that this is too soon but a transition process to self-management is put in place in 1974.
The waves lap gently on the shores of Aurukun and the trees whisper their secrets. The sea breeze cools the heat of the day. But this is no gentle meeting. Nor are there cool heads from the government. Killoran is master of all the Indigenous communities and rules with an iron hand. He is furious at this recalcitrant community. He thinks they are like rebellious children.
It is the 15th of March. The people look up at the light plane circling the community and coming in to land, the whirr of the engines ringing in their ears.
Porter and Killoran clamber off the plane; both in white shirt and tie, looking officious. They have a meeting with the people in the church rather than in the open under the mango trees where the people usually meet. They refuse to let the meeting be recorded on film. There is a resident film crew there who record many events of the two weeks in March 1978 and produce a documentary called Takeover[iii], which I acknowledge as helping me to fill in some details of events. However, a community member uses a tape recorder to get some record of discussions. The church has a corrugated iron roof, red walls, and some of the walls are like layered slats. Fans spin inside as a light breeze stirs the fronds of nearby palm trees.
Porter fingers his mustache and raises his bushy eyebrows when he looks over the room at the expectant sea of black faces. He isn’t really in the mood for a discussion but just wants to relay his intentions.
He says sternly,
“The time has come, in your best interests, for us to take back the management of Aurukun. In a few months’ time you’ll be glad at the changes that have been made. The decision has been made. I didn’t come here to mislead you. The decision has been made.”
Geraldine is not cowered. She says forthrightly,
“The state should not take over without our consent. Let us make up our minds.”
Porter returns disparagingly,
“This is the wisest and best way. If we had negotiated beforehand and made it public, there’d be a lot of discussion. Do you think we’d leave the decision for you to make?
In response to a question about the outstations, Porter takes a deep breath in exasperation.
“The idea that people can go back to land which can no longer be effectively hunted on and lived on and pretend they are living some sort of hand down from the old days, I tell you that is a dream that will cost some people dearly. That’s my view but we’ll see how you go as time goes by. Try it. Try it and see what happens.”
His voice seems to hold a challenge in it and the people react angrily. They have been speaking politely but now a few men shout at the same time. Women clap but some children start to cry. Porter closes down the meeting. He will not be challenged.
The women leave the church first, in their loose colorful cotton dresses, disappointed at the result. A bicycle is leaning against the church wall but most people are on foot. Porter and Killoran leave unceremoniously, as if glad to get out of there, getting in a green Land Rover to go back to the airport. The people are frightened. They are worried about their sacred land.
The same day, the federal Minister for Aboriginal Affairs, Ian Viner issues a press statement that he is committed to help the Aurukun and Mornington Island people with finance or legislation as required. This brings some hope at Aurukun and Mornington Island.
There is a reaction in the Australian Senate in Canberra to the proposed takeover. The following was tabled on 15th March in the Parliamentary Debates. “The letter is addressed to Mr J. C. Hooper, Division of World Missions, Uniting Church in Australia. It states:
We, the undersigned members of the Aurukun Community Council, have, after extensive talks with the members of the Community of Aurukun, found that it is the people’s wish to remain under the Administration of the Uniting Church of Australia.
We would therefore appreciate it if you would pass this to the Synod of North Queensland, along with our thanks for their support. We look forward to working together in the future.
The letter is signed by five members of the Aboriginal Council at Aurukun. They are Donald Peinkinna, Barry Ngakyunkwokka, Eric Kooila, Roy Landis and Fred Kerindun.”
Also, “To Senator Bonner, Phone 726861, Canberra, ACT
Council and community not consulted about government takeover. What is happening. Please help us.
Larry Lanley, Prince Escort, Lawrence Dugong, Nelson Gavenor, Roger Kelly (Mornington Island Council).”
In that same debate on 15th March 1978 Senator Arthur Geitzelt, ALP NSW says,
“On 25th January 1977, Mr Tomkins, the Queensland Minister for Lands, told the Queensland Parliament that he had vetoed the transfer of the Archer River lease, which had been purchased in the marketplace by the Aboriginal Land Fund Commission. The land was for the use of the traditional owners, who now reside in the Aurukun and Coen areas. It is ironic that such a blatant abuse of ministerial discretion should have been announced on Australia Day, and only two months after the land rights legislation had been passed. One can only say that it is perversity at its worst. We are confronted with an arbitrary, blatant and illegal decision by Mr Porter, the new Queensland Minister for Aboriginal and Islanders Advancement, who, as yet, has not even been sworn in before the Queensland Parliament. The Queensland Parliament met for only 38 days during the whole of last year. It has the worst parliamentary sitting record of all Australian parliaments. A man who has not yet been able to justify his position through parliamentary debate or decision, has made a determination about these matters while the Parliament is in recess. It has been in recess for about six months. There has been no parliamentary debate on this matter.”[iv]
This was a relevant point to raise in this dispute as the Queensland government has the position that Aborigines should purchase land, not be given land rights. But then the government refuses to transfer the lease, preventing the sale going through.
Senator Jim Keeffe, ALP Qld says,
“The real reason why this takeover, which will happen on 31st March, is being carried out is partly because of the co-operation between the State Government in Queensland and the mining developers. There is also intense animosity between the Premier and some Aboriginal people. One of the things that the Premier is trying to do, so he says, is prevent the development of a black State. He has made this statement publicly at least three times and it is one of the reasons why the Archer River Station deal did not go through. The Premier is now living in fear because the homelands movements are developing on Cape York. They are developing very satisfactorily. People are again able to bring back discipline into their families where there have been slight problems. The movements are fulfilling a very important role in the communities. I think there are some six or seven which have developed in this area.
The case of Mornington Island is not greatly different. A considerable number of years ago, a decision was taken to improve the housing situation on Mornington Island. For three years the Department fought the Aboriginal population. The Department wanted the houses built in a certain area and the people who live on Mornington Island wanted them built in another area. For three years the timber lay rotting in the tropical weather and a lot of it was lost. Finally, the Queensland Department of Aboriginal and Islanders Advancement won and the houses were built where the Department wanted them.”
Senator Bonner Qld Liberal is convinced bauxite is the reason for the takeover. He says,
“...the Queensland Government rushed legislation through the Parliament in less than 50 hours. For the Queensland Parliament that was a lot of sitting hours. In view of the fact that it sits for only 30 days a year, the 50 hours must have been quite a strain on members. Because the Government wanted to get out the bauxite, it was prepared to sit for that length of time. It rushed through a piece of legislation giving the mining company the right to go ahead with its mining operations without proper consultation with the Aboriginal people or the Presbyterian Church, which at that time was responsible for the administration of Aurukun. I had the opportunity to accompany the Federal Minister for Aboriginal Affairs (Mr Viner) to Aurukun to talk with the Aboriginal people. We arrived there at about 1 p.m. on 21st January 1976. That afternoon we sat on the ground under the mango trees surrounded by 200 people of the Aboriginal community, together with their councillors, for six hours while the Minister for Aboriginal Affairs consulted with the Aboriginal people.
The Minister and I, on our return to Canberra, consulted with the Prime Minister (Mr Malcolm Fraser). Just before our meeting concluded, I was feeling pretty low. I thought that we had tried but did not seem to have reached a satisfactory conclusion. The Prime Minister, with a broad grin on his face, said: ‘Neville, I do not know what you are worrying about. There is a simple answer to the problem. I will report to Cabinet that the Queensland Government and the mining company will not be granted an export license until certain things (consultations) happen.” [v]
It didn’t stop Bjelke however.
Donald, Francis and another councillor went to Canberra to see Viner. The next day on the radio Viner said he’d received a telegram from Aurukun council saying that they didn’t want the DAIA to take over from the church and asked for the Commonwealth to help and to visit. They and their legal advisor meet with Viner on 17th March in Canberra.
TV crews start to arrive in small planes, the first of many to come in the next three weeks. Hauling their cameras and sound gear, they interview Councillor Eric Kooila about the takeover. Eric, tall, slim and gray-haired, is a force to be reckoned with and says decisively:
“No. I told them you are not getting permission from our law or your law to take over.”
Gladys Tybingoompa, a dynamic younger leader with brown wavy hair, turns to the reporters and says,
“So, I say all the government sees is the wealth on the land of poor Aboriginal people.”
The reporter asks,
“The Commonwealth will let you live on your tribal land but the state won’t. Is that the case?”
Frowning, Gladys says,
“The state won’t let us have our freedom” while another leader says, “We want to develop on our own land.”
On 16th March while some councillors are on their way to Canberra to see Viner, Gordon Coutts from the Uniting Church flies in from Mornington Island. It is the day after the visit of Porter and Killoran. Mick Miller and Clarrie Grogan from the North Qld Land Council are already at Aurukun and, joined by Eric and Gladys, meet him at the airstrip. Mick and Clarrie have already had extensive talks with the people. Clarrie is Mick’s uncle, a former boxer of note and a key part of the Land Council team. Coutts is wearing a big brown felt hat and glasses. He is dressed casually with shorts and long socks. Mick is wearing a navy t-shirt with a red and white v-striped design on it and jeans. Gordon tells them that he has just come from meeting the people at Mornington Island and 158 adults told him they wanted the church to continue to administer the community with the help of the federal government. Eric meets Coutts barefoot, and tells him he strongly opposed Porter’s plans to his face.
Gordon holds a hastily assembled public meeting of people sitting in small groups under the trees. He assures them that, in case they are hearing differently, “The moderator of the Uniting Church told Porter and Killoran straight away what the church had decided last October, that before any change, we want to know that the people agree. Yesterday, after the federal government met the House of Representatives and the Senate, they said they would not allow this to happen unless the people want it to.”
Gordon excitedly elaborates,
“Viner says if Porter says he is the crown, then Viner is the big crown. He will support the people if they want the church to stay.”
Some of the Aboriginal men respond firmly. One man says,
“They are liars. Killoran wants to send Ted Butler in as manager but we have a manager (Tony Morris) and council. This is our land and we say no.”
Geraldine uses her hands to give emphasis to her statement,
“We don’t ask for money but we want our freedom and our traditional areas. Some greedy people in Qld want the minerals at Aurukun, Gordon. Three or four years ago we had visitors about this. But once we say no, it’s no.”
Another man said, “Tell them we say no.” Others nod.
Gordon opens his arms wide and asks, “Do you want us to stay?”
There was a resounding yes. The Seven News TV was filming the meeting.
Gordon continued,
“I hate to be formal but I need signatures” as he passes a petition around for people to sign. While it goes around, Gordon gets excited,
“We’re going to win. We’ve got Viner on our side.” He laughs.
On 17th March, another plane comes in. On it is David Thompson, the federal MP for Leichhardt, their electorate. He asks for the people to be assembled again so he can speak to them. Dressed in white, he adjusts his hat and sunglasses and is happy to get a crowd. As the trees spread their shade, he offers,
“Be sure that whatever you want, I’ll help. I’m part of the federal government and it is the boss government. All the people of Australia in the 1967 referendum had a vote and 8 out of 10 of them in Qld said they wanted the federal government to be able to make laws for Aborigines. So, we have the right to do that and we are prepared to do that.”
That evening, the news blares from the radio again. Viner says he has met with the Aurukun Council and is prepared to override the Qld government if he has to.
The next day, the Council return from Canberra and hold a meeting with the people to tell them the result of their meeting with Viner. Donald relays that Viner told him he had received his telegram and many others from around Australia expressing support for Aurukun and Mornington Island. While happy with the result, he seems to laugh a little nervously. It is a big responsibility on his shoulders.
[i]Gray, S. 2009 Bjelke-Petersen clashes with church, Brisbane Times https://www.brisbanetimes.com.au/national/queensland/bjelke-petersen-clashes-with-church-20090101-geap4u.html
[ii] Ibid.
[iii] MacDougall, David and MacDougall, Judith (1979) Takeover Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies
[iv]Commonwealth, Parliamentary Debates, Senate 15 March 1978, 31 http://historichansard.net/senate/1978/19780315_senate_31_s76/#subdebate-23-0
[v] Ibid.
